Comrade Pierre Frank died last
Wednesday April 18, in the morning. He was 78 years old and had
been active in the workers movement for over six decades. His
comrades and friends will pay him a last tribute at the time of
his cremation at the Pere-Lachaise cemetery, in Paris, on April
27. With the
death of Pierre Frank, the Fourth International loses one of the
very last survivors of the generation of revolutionary
communists who joined the fight of the Soviet Left Opposition
and Comrade Lev Davidovich Trotsky, at the time the Soviet
bureaucracy exiled the Russian revolutionary leader to Turkey,
in 1929. Trotsky had developed a substantial influence among
the French Communist Left, partly because the relations he had
established with trade unionists like Pierre Monatte and Alfred
Rosmer and Communists like Boris Souvarine during and
immediately after World War I.
As a result, beginning in
1923, the various organs of the French Communist Left gave wide
coverage and support, albeit often critical, to the struggle
waged by the Left Opposition and Leon Trotsky within the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Communist
International.
But only a small nucleus
grouped around the surrealist Pierre Naville, the trade unionist
Alfred Rosmer and the young chemical engineer Pierre Frank fully
identified with Trotsky’s struggle. Pierre Frank joined Trotsky
on the island of Prinkipo, near Istanbul, and became part of the
secretariat formed round the old Russian revolutionary. These
young secretaries were the team that helped Trotsky prepare the
first conference of the International Left Opposition (ILO) in
1930 and draft the founding document of our world movement.
The 1929-1934 period was a
period of initial growth for the Trotskyist movement in France.
Pierre Frank actively participated in its leadership, with his
friend Raymond Molinier. The magazine Lutte de Classe
(Class Struggle) and the newspaper La Verite (The Truth)
were launched. An intense propaganda campaign was waged against
the rise of the Hitlerite fascist threat in Germany. Still more
intense was the agitation campaign for the workers united front
to stop fascism, first in Germany and then in France. This
campaign failed in Germany, with well-known tragic consequences.
But in France, after the
February 6, 1934 events, it succeeded and opened the way to a
new rise of the workers movement in all Western Europe. But the
very successes scored by Trotskyist agitation on the ground
created considerable difficulties for the building of an
organization.
The small Trotskyist
organization of the time, the Communist League, was
overwhelmingly outweighed by the two reformist apparatuses --
the social democratic apparatus of the SFIO (Socialist Party)
and the Stalinist apparatus of the PCF (Communist Party) -- who
collaborated closely to smother the revolutionary anticapitalist
potential contained in the expansion of the working class
struggles and mass organizations.
The French Trotskyists had
to engage in a series of discussions to determine the correct
tactical orientation in that complex situation. A series of
grievous differences and splits ensued in which Pierre Frank and
Raymond Molinier did not always pick the same side as Leon
Trotsky. Still, there were some positive developments for the
Trotskyist current during the 1935-1939 period: gains in the
Socialist left and later in the centrist Socialist Workers and
Peasants Party (PSOP) left, with the recruitment of people like
Jean Rous, David Rousset and Daniel Guerin who stayed with the
Trotskyist movement for a time, and Pierre Lambert and Marcel
Hic who joined it to remain the rest of their lives.
Nevertheless, the fundamental trajectory was not towards growth,
but towards stagnation and setback. In addition, beginning in
1937 the weight of the Popular Front’s defeat in France and of
the defeats of the Civil War in Spain, began to bear down and
paved the way for World War II.
Pierre Frank, Raymond
Molinier and their very small group, separated from the bulk of
the forces that prepared the foundation of the Fourth
International in 1938, were chiefly identified with a
thorough-going preparation of antimilitarist and
anti-imperialist work that earned them repression and
persecution at the hands of the French imperialist government.
This led Pierre to move to Great Britain where he was also
persecuted by the British government, including being interned
in a concentration camp. He was gladdened by the news of a
beginning reconciliation with Trotsky shortly before the
latter’s assassination in August 1940.
In occupied France, the
different Trotskyist organizations remained divided by tactical
problems, but they all continued the struggle under the
occupation and made no concessions at any time to either German
imperialism and its super-exploitation of the French working
class, or French imperialism. The prominent role of these
fighters in launching the massive workers and people’s
resistance in France earned these organizations a new phase of
growth, running from 1940 to 1948.
This is when the group
connected to Pierre Frank in France, under the leadership of
Jacques Grimblat and Rudolphe Prager, began to orient, after
some mishaps, towards the reunification of the Trotskyist
movement which was actually achieved in 1944, following the
European conference of Trotskyist organizations that took place
in February of that year, in the midst of the occupation.
Pierre Frank had drawn all the lessons from his own
misadventures in the late 1930s and rejected blind factionalism;
he applauded the course towards unity with both hands.
As soon as World War II was
over and he was allowed to return to France, he joined the
united Internationalist Communist Party (PCI), became a part of
its leadership and was assigned by the latter to the leadership
of the Fourth International that had been reconstituted around
Michel Raptis (Pablo). In this capacity, he actively prepared
the Second World Congress of the Fourth International in 1948,
as well as all the successive congresses of our organization up
to and including the Eleventh World Congress in 1979. He was
often the reporter on important political and theoretical
questions at International Executive Committees (IEC) and World
Congresses. He was also the editor in charge of the publication
of the magazine Quatrieme Internationale for several
decades, and without his obstinacy that journal would not have
the continuity that it enjoys today.
With the end of the
post-World War II revolutionary upsurge in Western Europe, that
is around 1948-1949, the French Trotskyist movement -- along
with the Trotskyist movement in all Western Europe and North
America -- went through a new period of stagnation and setback
which were reflected by increasing internal problems and a
series of splits. Pierre Frank participated in all these
internal debates and understood they had a function beyond their
negative aspects. The fact is, they served to maintain the
programmatic and theoretical continuity of our movement through
the inevitable readjustments necessitated by the new phenomena
revolutionary Marxists had to grapple with, such as the victory
of the Yugoslav, Chinese and Indochinese revolutions led by
forces which originated in the international Stalinist movement
but were led to break with it on key questions of revolutionary
strategy to be able to lead the revolution to victory in their
respective countries.
The small PCI survived
during this period, led by Pierre Frank. Its main achievement
was to understand the importance of the colonial revolution that
continued to unfold in the world throughout the 1950s and
1960s. Because of this solidarity work, Pierre Frank was
arrested in 1956. Thus, he had the honor of being the only
leader of the French workers movement to be arrested for
solidarity with the Algerian revolution.
Indeed, the PCI, spurred on
mainly by Michel Raptis and Pierre Frank, committed itself to an
active defense, including material and political aid, of the
Algerian revolution, the Cuban revolution and the Vietnamese
revolution. This enabled it to influence and then win over a
broad current of Communist youth in the Union of Communist
Students (Union des Etudiants Communistes -- UEC) that had
spontaneously adopted the same orientation.
This led to the creation of
the Revolutionary Communist Youth (Jeunesse Communiste
Revolutionnaire -- JCR) and after the thunderbolt of May 1968,
to the fusion of the JCR and PCI that gave birth to the
Communist League, French section of the Fourth International,
the first example in Europe of the transformation of one of the
small original Trotskyist groups into a numerically stronger
organization with more roots in the working class.
The resurgence of the world
revolution in each of its three sectors, with the upsurge of the
colonial revolution, the resumption of the workers struggle of
prerevolutionary scope in a series of Western European
countries, and the process that led to the Prague Spring, made
it possible for the Fourth International to resolve, at least
partially, the problem of its internal divisions and led to the
reunification of our movement in 1962-1963.
For five years, the Fourth
International had to work under conditions of extreme
organizational and administrative weakness, with a day-to-day
leadership reduced in fact to three people: Comrade Pierre Frank
who was its organizational linchpin, Comrade Joseph Hansen,
insofar as the reactionary Voorhis Act, forbidding U.S.
organizations to affiliate internationally permitted, and
myself. After the breakthrough and development of our
organizations in 1968-1969, our movement was able to establish
broader leadership structures in which Pierre Frank continued to
occupy a prominent position.
His literary work includes
many articles and brochures, but two of his books deserve
particular mention: The History of the Fourth International
and especially the monumental Histoire de l’Internationale
Communiste (1919-1943) whose two volumes were published by
La Breche Publishers in 1979. This book, which is the only
scientific, Marxist work on this decisive topic illustrates the
scope of the experience and lucidity that Pierre acquired in his
nearly sixty years of activism. Likewise, it also reflects his
fundamental concern for the continuity of communist theory and
practice, that is, in the twentieth century, of revolutionary
Marxist theory and practice.
Pierre Frank had a very
deep sense of friendship, generosity and of the indispensable
emotional ties that bind militants committed to the gigantic
task of reconstructing the world on a socialist basis. Because
our movement embodies an obstinate desire to maintain the
continuity of the Communist movement, Pierre Frank attached
particular importance to all manifestations of a rebirth of
Leninism and Marxism in the Soviet Union and other
bureaucratized workers states. The explosion of workers’
struggles in Poland and around Solidarnosc, the appearance of
Comrade Alexander Zimine’s book Le stalinisme et son
“socialisme reel” (“Stalinism and its ‘Actually Existing
Socialism’”), produced in the Soviet Union and published by La
Breche in 1983, were a source of joy and satisfaction and marked
the last years of his life. In all the conversations I had with
him, these were the events, along with the need to give the
utmost importance to the differentiations presently developing
within the PCF, that occupied his attention.
Farewell dear comrade, dear
friend, older brother. Your memory will live on in the Fourth
International with whose existence and construction your entire
life was identified. The growth and transformation of our
movement, leading to the future mass communist International,
will enable us to keep that memory alive in the entire
international working class.
April 19, 1984 |