According to the newspapers and
the television programmes the ‘spirit of 1968’ is
dead. The ‘idealistic hopes’ aroused in that year
throughout the world lie shattered on the rock of hard political
realities. So say the television programmes and the
quality newspapers. But in reality the essence of 1968 has not
been put down, only the chimera. And if further evidence
was needed that the explosion of 1968 still marks contemporary
intellectual debates, one has only to draw attention to the
continuing boom in Marxist publishing.
Robin Blackburn’s reader (1)
has the advantage that it brings together in one volume a
wide-ranging set of essays, whose purpose is to demonstrate the
existence of an anti-Stalinist political tradition.
Gramsci, Isaac Deutscher, Ernest Mandel, Lucio Colletti mingle
with Jiri Pelikan, Michael Lowy, Norman Geras, Tom Nairn and
Robin Blackburn himself. The result is a comprehensive
guide to Marxist politics. Blackburn’s thematic message
is enshrined in the formula: the primacy of politics. He
stresses the necessity of Marxist political strategy as a vital
prerequisite of socialist advance. There is no such thing
as the inevitable transition to socialism. It has to be
fought for by the only social class capable of bringing it about
in the conditions of late capitalism: the working class.
What Blackburn and his
carefully selected contributors take for granted is now coming
under increasing attack from the theoreticians of
‘Eurocommunism’ in the West. What is this
Eurocommunism? It is the result of Chile and
Czechoslovakia. It is the petrified response of the
Italian and Spanish Communist parties to the economic crisis of
the capitalist system. It is the reflection of a partial
break with Moscow and Stalinism. The question which arises
is whether this break is going to lead to a strategic
accomodation with Western European capitalism (in which case why
not a historic fusion with the social-democratic parties) or
whether a move towards the latter is going to lead to the
emergence of left currents within these parties. Such
currents will contain within them the germs of a new
organisation.
Fernando Claudin is a veteran
Spanish communist, whose previous book was reviewed extensively
in these pages (b & b, March 76). His new work (2) is
more in the nature of an immediatist political commentary.
It is critical of the Eurocommunist parties, but it does not
subject them to the lash of the Marxist whip. That task is
carried out in a devastating polemic by Ernest Mandel (3) in his
writings on Eurocommunism. Mandel’s argument can be
summarised as follows: the specificity of Eurocommunism lies in
the fact that a systematic theoretical codification has
occurred, whereby these parties, to different degrees are
systematically reviewing and rejecting the basic writings of
Marx and Lenin. This goes hand in hand with public
criticism of the most repressive features of the USSR and
Eastern Europe. The Carillo leadership in Spain has
travelled the furthest away from the Soviet Union. Hence
Moscow’s violent polemics against Eurocommunism. Mandel
points out that despite the growing divisions the Eurocommunist
leaders cannot break all links with Moscow for material and
political reasons. To do so would leave them no other
choice but to duplicate the work of social democracy.
There would be a clash of interests between the two apparatuses.
While Mandel is, in general,
correct, there is a certain abstraction in some of his
essays. An important question is posed by tensions within
Eurocommunism for the far left groupings. It is well-known
that the European workers’ movement clings tenaciously to its
traditional organisations. It required the Russian
revolution and two world wars for French and Italian communism
to displace social democracy. So if there are significant splits
at the base of the Communist parties in France and Spain, the
direction in which they move will also depend on the attitude of
the far-left groups toward them. Mandel is not simply a
theoretician. He is an important leader of the Fourth
International. One would therefore have expected at least one
essay on the tasks confronted by the FI in relation to
these parties. The omission tends to weaken the overall
impact of what is otherwise a splendid volume. Mandel’s
critical appreciation of the East German dissident Marxist (at
present resident in Honecker’s prisons) Rudolf Bahro’s new
book The Alternative (at present published only in
German) shows his ability to respond to new ideas.
Mandel’s other book (4) is a
baic reader. It explains Marxist ideas in simple and
concise language. Such a guide has been sorely needed for
some time and this volume fulfils the task fairly well. It
is based on a series of educational talks given by Mandel to
trade unionists in Belgium in the late Sixties. As such it
needs to be updated for its next edition. Its publisher is
Ink Links, yet another left publishing house, which makes its
appearance this year, showing that the explosion of critical
thought and debate symbolised by 1968 is far from finished.
1. Robin Blackburn, ed.
Revolution and Class Struggle, (Fontana), 2. Fernando
Claudin, Eurocommunism and Socialism, ((New Left Books),
3. Ernest Mandel, From Stalinism to Eurocommunism (New
Left Books), 4. Ernest Mandel, From Class Society to
Communism (Ink Link Books)
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